According to W. M. Ramsay, it was approximately a forty-six day journey for the Imperial Post by land from Rome to Caesarea, or about a month and a half.
[1] By sea, at a rate of approximately eighty miles per day, with thirteen to fifteen days by land from Brundisium to Rome, the same journey is roughly thirty-two days, give or take a few.
[2] I'm not exactly sure where you're getting 125 days from. Please elaborate if you're taking that from a source.
The two alternate coins . . . I'd be interested in seeing them. If you have citation information, I'd be much obliged. Preferably RPC numbers if available. As it happens, I'm working on some research into the Actian/Victory epoch. If such coins exist, they would be of great interest to me for reasons beyond this discussion. I'm toying with the possibility that the Victory years ought to be properly reckoned according to the Julian year beginning in January of 30 BCE rather than September of 31 BCE. The battle of Actium was fought and won on September 2nd of 31 BCE, but Octavian didn't actually conquer Egypt until August 1st of 30 BCE (8 Mesore). Relative to Octavian establishing the legitimate start of his reign in Egypt as 1 Thoth (August 29th) of 30 BCE, and the practical use of the Victory epoch favoring the half of the year that aligns with the posterior common era year, I have my doubts about whether the Victory years should be counted from September to September rather than January to January. Apart from one coin I've come across, which has a reasonable explanation, everything else supports the hypothesis so far. I'd like to see where those coins might fit in the mix.
As for the calendars used in Antioch, I'll be honest . . . I'm having a difficult time determining the specifics of that. Per
secondary sources, which I have much less faith in, the calendar runs from September to September, approximately. Autumn to autumn would be more precise. However, most of my research to date indicates that Syria used the Babylonian calendar, or an equivalent, with the Metonic cycle, counting from spring to spring according to the astronomical almanacs. I haven't been able to discern a clear answer on that.
As for Luke, the logic is simply this . . . 1) The entire Roman empire reckoned Tiberius' reign from the death of Augustus in 14 CE. The official start of his reign, according to the primary source historians, is January of 15 CE. And this includes Velleius Paterculus, who was a Tiberius groupie of sorts, and a man under his command. He gives plenty of explicit details. Tacitus gives his year of reign in one or two instances by which it can be back-dated. There are also plenty of epigraphic proofs. 2) Logically, Luke was trying to clarify the when, not confuse it. It makes no sense for him to use some obscure enumeration that no one else used. The argument is literally the same as if I said that President Obama was elected in 2008, and someone someday came up with this radical notion that since we use the Dionysian calendar system that was actually off by as much as three to five years, I didn't actually mean 2008. I actually meant 2004, but was calling 2004 2008 because I, and only I, throughout the entire civilized world, was actually using a
correct version of the calendar. If you choose to be objective about this, you'll acknowledge this as true. 3) The greatest likelihood is that Luke was actually using a Jewish regnal year. The Jews dated documents, contracts, etc. by the regnal year of the current king. The first year of a king, however short, was considered a full year of reign once the first of Nisan came. Each successive first of Nisan would be another completed regnal year, and the start of a new year. By this reckoning, Tiberius' first year would have been from Tishri of 14 CE to Nisan of 15 CE. Counting forward, his fifteenth year would have begun on the first of Nisan in 28 CE. This is also consistent with Josephus, a Jew from Jerusalem, who gives Tiberius a total reign of twenty-two years. Contrary to the assertions that Luke wasn't Jewish, his conspicuous Jewish nomenclature makes it obvious that he was. He dated things according to the day of preparation, the day the passover was killed, the days of unleavened bread, the course of Abijah, the high priests in office, etc. His dating is very Jewish. There's no reason to suppose he was using something other than Jewish regnal years for Tiberius.
Concerning the priests . . . I have, myself, made a serious effort to date the priesthoods. It can't be done. There's just not enough information. You can date certain specific ones, but you can't establish a definitive timeline of the priesthood during this era outside of specific instances. So, I don't think the priests in power are germane to the discussion. Anyone who has spent any time on this subject knows that there is something hinky about the Annas/Caiaphas circumstance that isn't quite up to snuff.
I'm going to agree with this statement, but not because I believe the answer is difficult or enigmatic. I agree with it because there are people out there who, no matter how much fact you show them, refuse to be moved.
[1]. W. M. Ramsay, "Roads and Travel in the New Testament," in
A Dictionary of the Bible, vol. 5, 387.
[2]. Strabo 13.1.63; Acts 20:14-5, 20:15, 21:1; Kirkland,
Horace: Satires and Epistles, 158-159. Strabo does not make mention in this instance about nighttime voyages. However, via Strabo in this particular case, as well as the voyages in Acts, it can be readily seen that a “day’s voyage” does not mean a twenty-four-hour period, but the distance one can reasonably travel in a sunrise to sunset “day.” Kirkland provides a daily analysis of the journey from Rome to Brundisium, demonstrating a thirteen to fifteen day period at a leisurely pace.