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Páx Vóbíscum. Ειρήνη Σε Όλους!, שלום עליכם! Laudétur Iesus Christus!
Unfortunately, in our times, the one ("unicus") Roman Rite of the Latin Church within Catholic Christianity has been widely criticized. Certainly, there is room for such critique, as no liturgical form is perfect, for no liturgical form can fully express the Liturgy of Heaven. That said, every liturgical rite still existing, has its own genius, symbolism, and history behind it. For the Gospel is for all nations, first to the Jew and then to the Gentile. Despite widespread criticism, exploring the Roman Rite within the Latin Church unveils layers of deep spiritual complexity & historical-cultural significance often lost in discussion, or even ignored to great ills.
To navigate this discussion effectively, let us first establish clear definitions of essential terms such as "Rite," "Roman Rite," and "Liturgy." Unless otherwise noted: "Rite" refers, as above, to the six major extant Apostolic Christian liturgical traditions (Roman, Constantinopolitan, Alexandrian, West Syriac, Armenian, & East Syriac). The "Roman Rite" refers exclusively to the "liturgical books promulgated by Saint Paul VI and Saint John Paul II, in conformity with the decrees of Vatican Council II," which are "the unique/sole/only expression of the lex orandi of the Roman Rite" (Traditiones Custodes, Art. I). Previously, this was called the "Ordinary Form." The word "Eucharistic Prayer" (EP) refers to the Anaphora, and vice-versa. "Liturgy" (unless otherwise indicated) refers to the entirety of a rite's tradition & praxis – including but not limited to the Holy Eucharist.
All that being said, I propose to argue here – in a skeletal, non-exhaustive way – how the Roman Rite is in continuity with the editions that preceded it. Of particular interest being the "Tridentine" liturgy & its heirs until A.D. 1962. Understanding the Roman Rite requires recognition of its place among the six major apostolic Christian liturgical traditions, but also how it has *always* stood uniquely amidst the others.
Since the 1970s onwards, there have been mountains of ink spilled by critics of the reforms & restorations of Vatican II. These range from almost every direction possible in terms of liturgy, history, ritualism, culture, language, etc. That said, *most* critics view the Tridentine Liturgy (a 16th-century codification based on 15th-century liturgical euchologies) to be a sort of "exemplar" of the Roman Liturgy. And it is certainly true that the attempt & result of the Tridentine reforms did unify & codify the Roman Rite. In tracing the origins of the Tridentine liturgy, we can see its significant role in bringing together the medieval Roman liturgical from into a single set of liturgical books.
Yet, it's also clear that the liturgists of the 16th century simply lacked wide documentation of Roman liturgies going back to the desired age: that of Pope St. Gregory the Great (and to some degree earlier). Thus, even Popes like St. Pius X, Leo XIII, Pius XI, Benedict XV, and Ven. Pius XIII in recent centuries began to realize that the Tridentine reforms were more useful in liturgical unification, rather than actual restoration. St. Pius X, aware of these facts, went so far as to say that the Tridentine books needed to be "cleansed of the grime of decay." Thus, while the Tridentine reforms accomplished for unity, they also faced later criticism for their limitations in achieving comprehensive restoration.
In response to these shortcomings, the 19th-century Liturgical Movement emerged as a catalyst for reform within the Roman Rite. Many reforms were undertaken or tried locally, but the Second Vatican Ecumenical Council's Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy (Sacrosanctum Concilium) *mandated* from a ecumenical conciliar level the reform & also restoration of the Roman Rite along the lines of the aforementioned Popes. That is, to removed what had decayed over centuries, the majority of non-Roman elements, & ressourcement with the liturgical traditions of the Patristic Era.
Archbishop Annibale Bugnini was the leader of the Consilium formed by Pope St. Paul VI to accomplish this task, but I find he is often spoken of as children might of a "boogey-man." He is often vilified conspiratorially for trying to destroy the Roman liturgical tradition. For all his flaws however, the Consilium was not dominated by him to the degree often asserted (indeed, often to his chagrin). Moreover, liturgical experts of vastly greater erudition (e.g., Jungmann, Pierre-Marie Gy, Louis Bouyer, Dom Botte, Martimort, Righetti, et alia) feature rightly as liturgists of considerable knowledge as consultors. So, espite controversies surrounding Archbishop Annibale Bugnini, it was the Consilium as a whole under the final authority of Pope St. Paul VI (and the Supreme Pontiff himself played important roles) which played a more crucial role in implementing liturgical reforms.
By this time in history too, there was a growing realization of factors that were noticed by liturgists which were unique to the Roman Liturgy that appear all throughout history. These elements were eventually understood as deriving from City of Rome during the classical period, and were heavily marked by the Latin language's abbreviating & poetic tendencies. Ultimately, it was realized that the great beauty of the Roman Rite (as restored by Vatican II, but applicable to all previous editions) depended upon key factors.
First & foremost, a deep yet stoic reverence of the heart, great precision in liturgical & bodily actions, clear sobriety of mind & attentiveness, primarily Latin-based language from Biblical sources (as opposed to composed odes or poetry; e.g., the Byzantine Octoechos), and a comparatively strict adherence to & detailed rubrics & norms. Major failures on those fronts, on any one of them, easily mad very bad Roman liturgy, and those failures severely hampered the ability of all editions to convey "Romanitas" and the worship the Latin Church owes God & her faithful.
Moreover, it was also realized by many great liturgists that the Roman Rite's *key* mark is a balance of great nobility with stoic simplicity. This can be seen in ancient basilicas & medieval architecture, well-made vestments, precious metallic vessels, and other works of great beauty or skill whenever possible. This beauty acts as a matrix around an archaic noble simplicity of liturgical style. That is to say that the ritual forms are relatively short, unencumbered by repetition, practical, austere, and generally lacking in overt ritual complexity (although even the newest books *are* extremely complex, as I can attest as a "Master of Ceremonies" in-training!). This was also noted long before Vatican II's call for reforms.
The end result of all this reflection & labor was the liturgical books promulgated by Pope St. Paul VI. These liturgical forms are almost *entirely* shorn of Gallican additions; most of which originally came from the East (primarily Antioch & Alexandria), and became attached to the pristine Roman Rite of the 9th century and onwards. The Roman Rite is reformed in the sense that it is styled in a way less foreign to a modern observer, yet the aspect of restoration far more predominates (and still remains as the decades pass). Indeed, if one compares the typical Lord's Day Mass in the new books with the documentation found in the ancient "Ordo Romanus Primus," the similarities are very close. This was, in fact, part of the goal.
Still, the restoration of the ancient Roman Rite – due to its characteristic simplicity – left lacunae & areas desired for enrichment. Given the vastly greater knowledge of euchologies of the East & West, such gaps were filled with re-worked non-Roman Western or even directly Eastern sources. Thus, certain very Gallican traditions were retained for their obvious value (i.e., swinging the thurible/censer rather than keeping it still as it is raised or lowered, offertory rituals around the bread & wine, raising Host & Chalice after each consecration, etc.). In cases of desired *additions,* a balanced course was plotted.
The Consilium, for example, wanted to end the long-time domination of the use of a single Anaphora/Eucharistic Prayer in the Roman Liturgy. Initially & understandably, this was objected to on two grounds, First, that the preciously venerable Roman Canon might be lost; and, secondly, that the adoption of multiple anaphora might be both "un-Roman" (in style, mainly) or mere appropriation from the East.
The following conclusions were reached after much discussion: The Roman Canon would be retained untouched, save being shorn of certain Gallican or medieval accretions in ritual (e.g., multiple signs of the Cross, which were decayed forms of liturgical pointing; the degraded homily; etc.). Of great importance was that the Roman Liturgy finally identified the "Quam Oblatiónem" as the Roman "epiklesis" (or functioned as one; for it is possible it never had one as the East or non-Roman West did). This would mean all newly composed Roman anaphorae would require a consecratory epiklesis *before* the Institution Narrative. This also was more in-keeping with the theological importance of the latter in consecrating the elements.
In exploring the forms of the newly-composed (but hardly "new" in euchological terms) EPs, we see unveiled a deliberate synthesis of diverse Western and Eastern liturgical traditions. Simultaneously, we also see a strong desire to maintain the Roman tradition of liturgical celebration of the Holy Sacraments rather than wholesale adoption of another Rite. The additional Anaphorae/Eucharistic Prayers (EP) are essentially Roman in structure, but have elements from (primarily) Gallican, Mozarabic, & Anglo-Celtic sources (thus maintaining a Western connection). These are supplemented by material from Eastern sources with a known history of connection with the Church of Rome (i.e., Byzantine, Alexandrian, West Syriac). These primary EPs are four in number, noted as "EP I-IV" – which have been identified as such by the fact that they alone have Latin originals. They are also the best compositions, primarily Roman in nature, & based in the ancient sources.
To wit (names for II-IV mine):
EP I – The Roman Canon:
Textually, it has suffered no real change. Late liturgical scholarship had discovered that its unique properties are likely a result of portions of Eastern anaphorae being Latinized & abbreviated massively, and then placed in their current position around the 5th-7th century. This explains why the Roman Canon does not flow smoothly, and why it has aspects which defy the majority euchological traditions, East & West. It's language is also hieratic, which speaks to its extremely archaic nature. Yet, despite these issues, it was judged that the venerable nature of this anaphora needed retention. A decision that has proven most wonderful! Incidentally, the realization that the almost independent prayers that make up the Roman Canon likely had Eastern (mainly Alexandrian, probably) origin allowed for the precedence of drawing from Eastern sources in composing new anaphorae.
EP II – The Hippolytan Canon
This is a prayer that took inspiration from the possibly Roman anaphora recorded in the "Apostolic Tradition" ascribed to St. Hippolytus of Rome. It is not, however, a direct adoption. The Praefatio (preface) is moveable, as is Roman custom, and the basic structure has additions from the Roman Canon; notably the epiclesis is moved to the Roman pre-Institution location. Thus, it's actually more Roman in nature than St. Hippolytus' text. It was designed to be used during daily Masses or Masses in places where long anaphora could be difficult (e.g. warzones, persecutions, etc.). Yet, it was widely abused since the main celebrant has the authority to choose which anaphora to pray. This may be remedied in future editions.
EP III – The Canon of Sacrifice
As with the Roman Canon, this anaphora emphasizes the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass. This is the second most common anaphora after the Roman Canon. It emerged due to a compromise aimed at maintaining the stylistic elements of the Roman Canon, but reorganizing it to flow better given its varying constituent parts. It is not, however, a complete rearrangement. Rather, it also includes primarily Western euchological influences (primarily Mozarabic & Gallican), with a touch of early Antiochene sources. Likewise, it has a Western epiclesis placed before the Institution Narrative to maintain Roman custom. But the Antiochene influence can be seen as clearly in that it begins the Narrative not with the (uniquely) Roman "Qui, prídie quam paterétur..." but rather the Antiochene: "...in qua nócte tradebátur..." The majority, however, is Roman reorganization.
EP IV – The Roman Anaphora of St. Basil the Great
There was a widespread desire by many to include the Basilian anaphoric tradition into an additional EP. Firstly, the Basilian anaphorae are among the most beautiful & widely accepted anaphorae in Christian history. Secondly, both Byzantine & Alexandrian traditions utilize this anaphora, although in two different forms. Given the ancient accord between Rome & Alexandria, the Coptic Anaphora of St. Basil was chosen over the Byzantine version. Yet, given the length & complexity of the Coptic, it was thought to be too foreign to the Roman genius to be adopted wholesale.
Therefore, following the precedence of the Roman Canon, it was composed in such a way as to have a Latin affinity linguistically, and be heavily abbreviated without losing the substantial aspects of the Basilian anaphoric beauty. Thus, the Praefatio is immoveable and must be so. Unfortunately, this fact means that Eucharistic Prayer IV is rarely prayed in most places; not only due to its length, but also since the Praefatio cannot be substituted for a proper one. Thus, it is more suited to Lord's Day Masses in Ordinary Time, or even weekday Masses with no saint commemorated. Many aspects of this anaphora, however, show a merging of harmony between St. Basil & Latinity.
For example: the profoundly Basilian "Confitémur Tibi, Pater Sancte," which extends at length to the epiclesis; the "Ipse Enim, Cum Hora Venísset" that opens into the Institution Narrative, & a Basilian anamnesis. The Roman aspects begin to dominate in the "Réspice, Dómine, in Hóstiam;" the "Nunc Ergo, Dómine;" and finally the "Meménto étiam Illórum." The latter of which fittingly leads into the Per Ipsum, which (as with the Institution Narrative) remains the same in all the new EPs.
The changes made to the Roman Mass were also carried over or aligned with reforms & restorations of the rest of the Roman Liturgy. The Sacraments were shorn of many Gallican or medieval accretions (notably Baptism, Anointing, & Ordination). Others were enriched; e.g., Confirmation, which had undergone significant doctrinal development since Trent, adopted (but Romanized; namely, by making it imperative) the clear late Antiochene-Byzantine "forma Sacramentalis." Moreover, a new formula of absolution was composed in a wholly Roman style, but with a focus on a Trinitarian & less juridical aspect (although the post-prayer "Passio Dómini Nostri Iesu Christi" was retained without alteration).
The Liturgy of the Hours was restored to its choral & cathedral choir format in which it predominated in the late Patristic, early medieval times. Thus, it lacks much of the monastic material that later become conjoined to this choral office. This required a reformatting of the Psalter into a four-week cycle, cleaning away some burdensome monastic accretions (an ongoing work long before Vatican II), and making it suitable for *both* public celebration or private recitation. This was perhaps the most salutary reform given that the attempt by St. Pius X to imitate the one-week Psalter of the East was rather disastrous in application. The only real change was that Prime was, universally speaking, suppressed. Given that it was a very late, practical addition from monastic sources revolving around breakfast, this wasn't seen by knowledgeable liturgists as a serious loss. Even the East has considered suppressing it over the centuries.
So the end result was indeed a restoration, but also a reformation as well. This, in point of fact, is the usual path taken in previous reforms. The evolution of the Roman Rite therefore reflects a delicate, but intentional balance between preserving tradition and adapting to contemporary contexts (including discoveries unknown to the Tridentine Fathers). Indeed, the wording of what Trent sought to do is almost verbatim in Sacrosanctum Concilium, and this same wording is found in other documents involving Roman liturgical reform or change. Notably: "Restituantur vero ad pristinam sanctorum Patrum" – "Restored to the vigor which they had in the days of the holy Fathers." This is a recurring theme of Roman liturgical change; almost an obsession in a way that is very in keeping with the classical Roman preference for religious archaism.
These parallels between Vatican II reforms and earlier efforts underscore the Roman preference for continuity and restoration as complementary to liturgical change. The new liturgical books of the one Roman Rite reflect this in an exemplary manner, although future editions have the opportunity of deepening and evoking this "spiritual richness and depths" (as Pope Benedict XVI put it) through rubrical reform, shoring up oversimplification, and further layering of texts (perhaps in the hieratic Latin style of the Roman Canon).
Unfortunately, in our times, the one ("unicus") Roman Rite of the Latin Church within Catholic Christianity has been widely criticized. Certainly, there is room for such critique, as no liturgical form is perfect, for no liturgical form can fully express the Liturgy of Heaven. That said, every liturgical rite still existing, has its own genius, symbolism, and history behind it. For the Gospel is for all nations, first to the Jew and then to the Gentile. Despite widespread criticism, exploring the Roman Rite within the Latin Church unveils layers of deep spiritual complexity & historical-cultural significance often lost in discussion, or even ignored to great ills.
To navigate this discussion effectively, let us first establish clear definitions of essential terms such as "Rite," "Roman Rite," and "Liturgy." Unless otherwise noted: "Rite" refers, as above, to the six major extant Apostolic Christian liturgical traditions (Roman, Constantinopolitan, Alexandrian, West Syriac, Armenian, & East Syriac). The "Roman Rite" refers exclusively to the "liturgical books promulgated by Saint Paul VI and Saint John Paul II, in conformity with the decrees of Vatican Council II," which are "the unique/sole/only expression of the lex orandi of the Roman Rite" (Traditiones Custodes, Art. I). Previously, this was called the "Ordinary Form." The word "Eucharistic Prayer" (EP) refers to the Anaphora, and vice-versa. "Liturgy" (unless otherwise indicated) refers to the entirety of a rite's tradition & praxis – including but not limited to the Holy Eucharist.
All that being said, I propose to argue here – in a skeletal, non-exhaustive way – how the Roman Rite is in continuity with the editions that preceded it. Of particular interest being the "Tridentine" liturgy & its heirs until A.D. 1962. Understanding the Roman Rite requires recognition of its place among the six major apostolic Christian liturgical traditions, but also how it has *always* stood uniquely amidst the others.
Since the 1970s onwards, there have been mountains of ink spilled by critics of the reforms & restorations of Vatican II. These range from almost every direction possible in terms of liturgy, history, ritualism, culture, language, etc. That said, *most* critics view the Tridentine Liturgy (a 16th-century codification based on 15th-century liturgical euchologies) to be a sort of "exemplar" of the Roman Liturgy. And it is certainly true that the attempt & result of the Tridentine reforms did unify & codify the Roman Rite. In tracing the origins of the Tridentine liturgy, we can see its significant role in bringing together the medieval Roman liturgical from into a single set of liturgical books.
Yet, it's also clear that the liturgists of the 16th century simply lacked wide documentation of Roman liturgies going back to the desired age: that of Pope St. Gregory the Great (and to some degree earlier). Thus, even Popes like St. Pius X, Leo XIII, Pius XI, Benedict XV, and Ven. Pius XIII in recent centuries began to realize that the Tridentine reforms were more useful in liturgical unification, rather than actual restoration. St. Pius X, aware of these facts, went so far as to say that the Tridentine books needed to be "cleansed of the grime of decay." Thus, while the Tridentine reforms accomplished for unity, they also faced later criticism for their limitations in achieving comprehensive restoration.
In response to these shortcomings, the 19th-century Liturgical Movement emerged as a catalyst for reform within the Roman Rite. Many reforms were undertaken or tried locally, but the Second Vatican Ecumenical Council's Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy (Sacrosanctum Concilium) *mandated* from a ecumenical conciliar level the reform & also restoration of the Roman Rite along the lines of the aforementioned Popes. That is, to removed what had decayed over centuries, the majority of non-Roman elements, & ressourcement with the liturgical traditions of the Patristic Era.
Archbishop Annibale Bugnini was the leader of the Consilium formed by Pope St. Paul VI to accomplish this task, but I find he is often spoken of as children might of a "boogey-man." He is often vilified conspiratorially for trying to destroy the Roman liturgical tradition. For all his flaws however, the Consilium was not dominated by him to the degree often asserted (indeed, often to his chagrin). Moreover, liturgical experts of vastly greater erudition (e.g., Jungmann, Pierre-Marie Gy, Louis Bouyer, Dom Botte, Martimort, Righetti, et alia) feature rightly as liturgists of considerable knowledge as consultors. So, espite controversies surrounding Archbishop Annibale Bugnini, it was the Consilium as a whole under the final authority of Pope St. Paul VI (and the Supreme Pontiff himself played important roles) which played a more crucial role in implementing liturgical reforms.
By this time in history too, there was a growing realization of factors that were noticed by liturgists which were unique to the Roman Liturgy that appear all throughout history. These elements were eventually understood as deriving from City of Rome during the classical period, and were heavily marked by the Latin language's abbreviating & poetic tendencies. Ultimately, it was realized that the great beauty of the Roman Rite (as restored by Vatican II, but applicable to all previous editions) depended upon key factors.
First & foremost, a deep yet stoic reverence of the heart, great precision in liturgical & bodily actions, clear sobriety of mind & attentiveness, primarily Latin-based language from Biblical sources (as opposed to composed odes or poetry; e.g., the Byzantine Octoechos), and a comparatively strict adherence to & detailed rubrics & norms. Major failures on those fronts, on any one of them, easily mad very bad Roman liturgy, and those failures severely hampered the ability of all editions to convey "Romanitas" and the worship the Latin Church owes God & her faithful.
Moreover, it was also realized by many great liturgists that the Roman Rite's *key* mark is a balance of great nobility with stoic simplicity. This can be seen in ancient basilicas & medieval architecture, well-made vestments, precious metallic vessels, and other works of great beauty or skill whenever possible. This beauty acts as a matrix around an archaic noble simplicity of liturgical style. That is to say that the ritual forms are relatively short, unencumbered by repetition, practical, austere, and generally lacking in overt ritual complexity (although even the newest books *are* extremely complex, as I can attest as a "Master of Ceremonies" in-training!). This was also noted long before Vatican II's call for reforms.
The end result of all this reflection & labor was the liturgical books promulgated by Pope St. Paul VI. These liturgical forms are almost *entirely* shorn of Gallican additions; most of which originally came from the East (primarily Antioch & Alexandria), and became attached to the pristine Roman Rite of the 9th century and onwards. The Roman Rite is reformed in the sense that it is styled in a way less foreign to a modern observer, yet the aspect of restoration far more predominates (and still remains as the decades pass). Indeed, if one compares the typical Lord's Day Mass in the new books with the documentation found in the ancient "Ordo Romanus Primus," the similarities are very close. This was, in fact, part of the goal.
Still, the restoration of the ancient Roman Rite – due to its characteristic simplicity – left lacunae & areas desired for enrichment. Given the vastly greater knowledge of euchologies of the East & West, such gaps were filled with re-worked non-Roman Western or even directly Eastern sources. Thus, certain very Gallican traditions were retained for their obvious value (i.e., swinging the thurible/censer rather than keeping it still as it is raised or lowered, offertory rituals around the bread & wine, raising Host & Chalice after each consecration, etc.). In cases of desired *additions,* a balanced course was plotted.
The Consilium, for example, wanted to end the long-time domination of the use of a single Anaphora/Eucharistic Prayer in the Roman Liturgy. Initially & understandably, this was objected to on two grounds, First, that the preciously venerable Roman Canon might be lost; and, secondly, that the adoption of multiple anaphora might be both "un-Roman" (in style, mainly) or mere appropriation from the East.
The following conclusions were reached after much discussion: The Roman Canon would be retained untouched, save being shorn of certain Gallican or medieval accretions in ritual (e.g., multiple signs of the Cross, which were decayed forms of liturgical pointing; the degraded homily; etc.). Of great importance was that the Roman Liturgy finally identified the "Quam Oblatiónem" as the Roman "epiklesis" (or functioned as one; for it is possible it never had one as the East or non-Roman West did). This would mean all newly composed Roman anaphorae would require a consecratory epiklesis *before* the Institution Narrative. This also was more in-keeping with the theological importance of the latter in consecrating the elements.
In exploring the forms of the newly-composed (but hardly "new" in euchological terms) EPs, we see unveiled a deliberate synthesis of diverse Western and Eastern liturgical traditions. Simultaneously, we also see a strong desire to maintain the Roman tradition of liturgical celebration of the Holy Sacraments rather than wholesale adoption of another Rite. The additional Anaphorae/Eucharistic Prayers (EP) are essentially Roman in structure, but have elements from (primarily) Gallican, Mozarabic, & Anglo-Celtic sources (thus maintaining a Western connection). These are supplemented by material from Eastern sources with a known history of connection with the Church of Rome (i.e., Byzantine, Alexandrian, West Syriac). These primary EPs are four in number, noted as "EP I-IV" – which have been identified as such by the fact that they alone have Latin originals. They are also the best compositions, primarily Roman in nature, & based in the ancient sources.
To wit (names for II-IV mine):
EP I – The Roman Canon:
Textually, it has suffered no real change. Late liturgical scholarship had discovered that its unique properties are likely a result of portions of Eastern anaphorae being Latinized & abbreviated massively, and then placed in their current position around the 5th-7th century. This explains why the Roman Canon does not flow smoothly, and why it has aspects which defy the majority euchological traditions, East & West. It's language is also hieratic, which speaks to its extremely archaic nature. Yet, despite these issues, it was judged that the venerable nature of this anaphora needed retention. A decision that has proven most wonderful! Incidentally, the realization that the almost independent prayers that make up the Roman Canon likely had Eastern (mainly Alexandrian, probably) origin allowed for the precedence of drawing from Eastern sources in composing new anaphorae.
EP II – The Hippolytan Canon
This is a prayer that took inspiration from the possibly Roman anaphora recorded in the "Apostolic Tradition" ascribed to St. Hippolytus of Rome. It is not, however, a direct adoption. The Praefatio (preface) is moveable, as is Roman custom, and the basic structure has additions from the Roman Canon; notably the epiclesis is moved to the Roman pre-Institution location. Thus, it's actually more Roman in nature than St. Hippolytus' text. It was designed to be used during daily Masses or Masses in places where long anaphora could be difficult (e.g. warzones, persecutions, etc.). Yet, it was widely abused since the main celebrant has the authority to choose which anaphora to pray. This may be remedied in future editions.
EP III – The Canon of Sacrifice
As with the Roman Canon, this anaphora emphasizes the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass. This is the second most common anaphora after the Roman Canon. It emerged due to a compromise aimed at maintaining the stylistic elements of the Roman Canon, but reorganizing it to flow better given its varying constituent parts. It is not, however, a complete rearrangement. Rather, it also includes primarily Western euchological influences (primarily Mozarabic & Gallican), with a touch of early Antiochene sources. Likewise, it has a Western epiclesis placed before the Institution Narrative to maintain Roman custom. But the Antiochene influence can be seen as clearly in that it begins the Narrative not with the (uniquely) Roman "Qui, prídie quam paterétur..." but rather the Antiochene: "...in qua nócte tradebátur..." The majority, however, is Roman reorganization.
EP IV – The Roman Anaphora of St. Basil the Great
There was a widespread desire by many to include the Basilian anaphoric tradition into an additional EP. Firstly, the Basilian anaphorae are among the most beautiful & widely accepted anaphorae in Christian history. Secondly, both Byzantine & Alexandrian traditions utilize this anaphora, although in two different forms. Given the ancient accord between Rome & Alexandria, the Coptic Anaphora of St. Basil was chosen over the Byzantine version. Yet, given the length & complexity of the Coptic, it was thought to be too foreign to the Roman genius to be adopted wholesale.
Therefore, following the precedence of the Roman Canon, it was composed in such a way as to have a Latin affinity linguistically, and be heavily abbreviated without losing the substantial aspects of the Basilian anaphoric beauty. Thus, the Praefatio is immoveable and must be so. Unfortunately, this fact means that Eucharistic Prayer IV is rarely prayed in most places; not only due to its length, but also since the Praefatio cannot be substituted for a proper one. Thus, it is more suited to Lord's Day Masses in Ordinary Time, or even weekday Masses with no saint commemorated. Many aspects of this anaphora, however, show a merging of harmony between St. Basil & Latinity.
For example: the profoundly Basilian "Confitémur Tibi, Pater Sancte," which extends at length to the epiclesis; the "Ipse Enim, Cum Hora Venísset" that opens into the Institution Narrative, & a Basilian anamnesis. The Roman aspects begin to dominate in the "Réspice, Dómine, in Hóstiam;" the "Nunc Ergo, Dómine;" and finally the "Meménto étiam Illórum." The latter of which fittingly leads into the Per Ipsum, which (as with the Institution Narrative) remains the same in all the new EPs.
The changes made to the Roman Mass were also carried over or aligned with reforms & restorations of the rest of the Roman Liturgy. The Sacraments were shorn of many Gallican or medieval accretions (notably Baptism, Anointing, & Ordination). Others were enriched; e.g., Confirmation, which had undergone significant doctrinal development since Trent, adopted (but Romanized; namely, by making it imperative) the clear late Antiochene-Byzantine "forma Sacramentalis." Moreover, a new formula of absolution was composed in a wholly Roman style, but with a focus on a Trinitarian & less juridical aspect (although the post-prayer "Passio Dómini Nostri Iesu Christi" was retained without alteration).
The Liturgy of the Hours was restored to its choral & cathedral choir format in which it predominated in the late Patristic, early medieval times. Thus, it lacks much of the monastic material that later become conjoined to this choral office. This required a reformatting of the Psalter into a four-week cycle, cleaning away some burdensome monastic accretions (an ongoing work long before Vatican II), and making it suitable for *both* public celebration or private recitation. This was perhaps the most salutary reform given that the attempt by St. Pius X to imitate the one-week Psalter of the East was rather disastrous in application. The only real change was that Prime was, universally speaking, suppressed. Given that it was a very late, practical addition from monastic sources revolving around breakfast, this wasn't seen by knowledgeable liturgists as a serious loss. Even the East has considered suppressing it over the centuries.
So the end result was indeed a restoration, but also a reformation as well. This, in point of fact, is the usual path taken in previous reforms. The evolution of the Roman Rite therefore reflects a delicate, but intentional balance between preserving tradition and adapting to contemporary contexts (including discoveries unknown to the Tridentine Fathers). Indeed, the wording of what Trent sought to do is almost verbatim in Sacrosanctum Concilium, and this same wording is found in other documents involving Roman liturgical reform or change. Notably: "Restituantur vero ad pristinam sanctorum Patrum" – "Restored to the vigor which they had in the days of the holy Fathers." This is a recurring theme of Roman liturgical change; almost an obsession in a way that is very in keeping with the classical Roman preference for religious archaism.
These parallels between Vatican II reforms and earlier efforts underscore the Roman preference for continuity and restoration as complementary to liturgical change. The new liturgical books of the one Roman Rite reflect this in an exemplary manner, although future editions have the opportunity of deepening and evoking this "spiritual richness and depths" (as Pope Benedict XVI put it) through rubrical reform, shoring up oversimplification, and further layering of texts (perhaps in the hieratic Latin style of the Roman Canon).